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Democracy in Africa

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DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA 2

Democracy in Africa

The last two decades of the 21

century has witnessed a renewed hope about the birth of

democracy in Africa. Most segments of the African societies supported the process of

democratization, which led to the protests of moving back the tendency of cynicism and political

despair in Africa. The birth of political oppression along with the dictatorship had adverse effects

on the majority of people in the African countries. In fact, the political space has contrived

ingenuity and entrepreneurial ingenuity muted, social pluralism and cultural identities

suppressed. The inspiration of Africans to install a working democracy has suffered with the

suppressive political democracy of elections, failure to grant political and civil rights, and the

reduced economic empowerment. In the words of Larry Diamond, the African people have

cultured that through bitter experiences that the absence of democracy will suffocate the freedom

and improved living standards. Even though critics argue that the people in Africa are not ready

for democracy and does not value its cultural and social conditions, it serves as the main

approach to development and good governance in the continent.

To begin with, democratization of Africa is important for people to acquire higher levels

of social maturity and economic development, thus allowing people to seek increased

accountability from the respective governments. Democracy enhances increase in educated and

growing of middle class that are likely to demand an active responsibility in conducting the

business affairs of the country to the level those even repressive regimes with little option to

battle such demands and adopt democratic approach (Diamond, 2013). As such, the presence of

democracy in Africa would function as a platform for crowning achievement on the lasting

process of modernization. In South Africa, for instance, the fall of apartheid in 1991 along with

the subsequent attainment of independence prompted the growth of middle class and educated

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black community that presently demand and expect greater responsibility from their government

(Diamond, 2013). In line with this assumption, arguably, democratization of Africa would

promote development.

Despite the African people significant efforts towards democracy, opponents argue that

this is not the appropriate period to champion for democracy in Africa. For instance, Diamond

(2013) notes that the democratization in the Arab world, such as Libya and Egypt would

jeopardize the delicate peace in the states or threatens the American security associations in the

war of terror. A focus of the African countries, especially Arab states should maintain political

stability as well as economic development and maybe sometime in the future, when they boast an

increased middle class, then it would be safe to champion for democracy. Further democracy in

Africa would increase the doubt on sustainability for the people. In fact, from the era of the

European colonial domination, critics that included policymakers and writers questioned the

travel of democracy outside the European nations. They never examined whether other religions

and cultures would withstand democracy in addition to whether it represented the interest of the

west to have other states under governance on the foundations of electoral process that would

potentially marshal the interests of the growing middle class. In spite of this skepticism, Inglehart

and Welzel (2009) argues that democracy appeared during the post-WW II period in some third

world countries, such as Costa Rica, Sri Lanka and Botswana, but the decolonized nations

speedily established an dictatorial forms of governance.

More broadly, the success of some states in the Asian regions that experienced speedy

economic growth achieved popular dominion and political accountability. Lack of democracy

has led to poor economic growth of African countries that failed to make democracy work. Even

if most observers settled that dictatorships remained the better bet for development, and that

DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA 4

political subjugation was an important immoral that they had to endure for benefits. However,

countries that implemented democratic rule, such as China are cases cited for the increase in

educational achievement and health care. The modernization school of thought led by

philosophers, including Martin Lipset maintained hypothetically and used statistical approach to

demonstrate that poor nations were unlikely to sustain democracy. However, inputs from

dependency theory assert that the Third World countries, including Africa were poor given the

reason that the European entombed them in an operational situation of servitude and economic

dependency as a new way of colonialism. Reading from theorists such as Walter Rodney,

Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein that hatched the world systems model, marginal states

required concentration of power, avow control on naturally occurring resources, grasp and

reallocate land, and expropriate their holdings.

In support of democratization of Africa, Inglehart and colleague (2009) argues that the

idea promotes good governance through establishment of an enabling political environment for

the market to function appropriately and the people of Africa deserve not that good governance.

Thus, constructing of democracy provides for approaches of good governance with emphasis on

the rule of law, human rights, and transparency that is relevant to African condition. Even though

critics contend that the democracy and good governance project appears to serve the interest of

capital within the line of neo-liberal economic ideology, this represents governance on behalf of

industrial and banking institutions rather than common people. The argument creates the league

of class alongside social forces often promoted and sustained through the invisible market logic

of governance agenda and structural advancement. Democracy provides for accountability,

which serves as the most central standard of good governance achieved through modest elections

in a democratic society.

DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA 5

As Diamond and Plattner (2010) puts it, free and fair electoral process remains the

backbone of any democratic society in addition to being the most significant means of ensuring

that the government is accountable to its citizenry. The degree that elections assure political

accountability and eventual good governance, as liberal theorists assert, has experienced serious

counter argument. Citing the British experience, Geoffrey Alderman contends that elections

serve as a ritualistic symbol that conceals the domination of class in politics by the capitalists. To

that end, elections, in his view, are not about the person that governs or promote political

accountability, rather is a symbolist exercise in a democracy. Contrary to this view, the

libertarian row indicates that good governance does not relate with an exact political system, but

it is simply about productive and effective governance that is present in a democratic society.

Conclusively, Africa continues to experience political oppression and a potential

trepidation in the future. Even though critics continue to argue that democracy is not favorable

for the continent at present, it is important to indicate that theoretical and statistical evidence

shows a possible progress through governance and development with the adoption of democratic

change. From historical experience, it is clear that other regions and countries of the world is that

democracy promotes growth of the middle class and eventual good governance achieved through

political struggles waged by oppressed groups in the society.

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References

Diamond, L. (2013). Why Wait for Democracy? The Wilson Quarterly, 37, 1, 1-10.

Diamond, L., & Plattner, M. F. (2010). Democratization in Africa: Progress and retreat.

Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Inglehart, R. & Welzel, C. (2009). How Development Leads to Democracy: What We Know

About Modernization. Journal of Foreign Affairs, 88, 2, 33-48.

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