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acquire a discount from those who need their children to be passed if they have other things to do
in mind. The workers of the colleges do not even admit their children there since they are aware
of the injustices to the students but rather impose discounts from other people’s children (Cottom
17).
According to the evidence she gave Cottom claims that the schools make students go
through unnecessary steps to get enrolled. Additionally, they are compelled to pay $1200 cash
deposits or $500-$700 per month to stay enrolled in school (Greenberg 2007). She establishes
that she was once under orders to admit students to the college and serve the interests of her
bosses and FP colleges’ stakeholders and not the students’. In this regard, they foster individual
need rather than the needs for collective good as done by the real colleges. Since FP schools are
in dire need of more profits than students’ interests, they further push students to purchase their
equipment more than $350 (Rather 2016).
Cottom further shows that the prospects of the FP schools are that the students pay to pay
more than the existing cost of their tuition. To this effect, the borrowings that students are
subjected to are used as Cost of Attendance (COA) which is also contributed to refund in case
there was an overpayment (Cottom 17). More so, the returns are at times used as contributions
for food and housing. When the students graduate, they are faced with a significant amount of
debts which work so hard for them to pay as they find inferior jobs. They are forced to attend
other institutions later to upgrade their resume to fit middle-class jobs (Greenberg 2007).
In conclusion, Cottom has demonstrated the evils of the FP colleges to the students of the
lower economic class. According to the above points, the massive debt given to the students will
see them struggling in life even after using a lump sum amount to go to college (Rather 2016). It
will be a way that they are still burdening themselves on top of other problems they are facing.
