Marxs Social Conflicts Theory Of Change

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Marx’s Social Conflicts Theory of Change

Conflict theory, as postulated by Marx, influences most of the societal changes,

especially the variation of class organizations as their interests differ and as they compete for

contradicting objectives. This personal interest’s nature of people prompted them to behave in

manners that are intended to protect their interests without caring where the self-protection

measures interfere with other people’s interests. The other people would be another social class.

The created conflict between these two classes leads to changes in the two groups as they try to

adapt and get to a neutral point that they can coexist without offending the other. Most often, the

change demands sacrifice as the opposing groups try to find a neutral ground.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS AS THE DRIVERS OF SOCIETAL CHANGE

The structural conflict perspectives embark on societal institutions such as education, law, and

wealth, to classify people into groups that are made up of varying achievements of these

measures. The subjects of these institutions are often abused by the people who dominate and

make policies that govern these systems (Tucker 33). Apparently, people think that having

established a stable government system is the end game; however, in the real sense, the dynamic

nature of economic and political activities leads to a constant need for revision of regulatory

systems. Apparently, leaders have to be watched carefully and revoked when they do not

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perform. Equally, the constitution may require changes using bills, as is the case in America so

that conflicting issues are solved using new rules that change the code of conduct (Tocqueville

280).

As the classes develop, the two groups that are created by the classes get to the extreme

ends. For instance, the concept of self-interest indicates that the poor languish in poverty while

the rich amass more wealth. The difference between these two groups creates a conflict between

the two groups, in that while the poor demand for critical survival needs, the rich yearn for more

wealth. In New England, the conflict between the people and the monarchs begets an

independent judicial system that is not answerable to any of the two institutions. Evidently, the

people fear the abuse of power by the monarchs while the monarch fears the abuse of power by

the public (Tocqueville 329).

Within Germany, the rise of classes is related to the bourgeois class that promoted a

capitalistic system with emphasis on production and market. This class was exploiting the people

in the industries, while the poor were regularly explained by the newly developed class of

wealthy people. As a result, Marx referred to this concept as “parochial narrowness” as it

considered the development of the society as the development of the rich, with oversight to the

welfare of the poor who progressively developed changes that would see their strife end (Tucker

148). The concept of self-interest is enhanced by the developing themes of species, uniqueness,

and self-consciousness. In context to human nature, these characters are just but fallacies that

were created by the wealthy, in order to segregate themselves from the poor in the society.

The development of Manchester, which originally, was a swamp, has been as a result of

many industries which have been set in place. As Marx and Engel argue out, the region in

England has attained an epic of development as it hosts the top leaders of the nation who contest

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for economic prosperity. The leaders are interested in retaining their wealth by creating more

wealth using the industries. The industrial development in this belt of England has been

translated to competition, a concept that is common in competition phenomenon (Tucker 170).

The development of resources among humans can be related to the individual’s ability to

utilize the resources around them in a way that the resources create value to people. As a result,

the extent of making value is directly related to human consciousness, a concept that the two

authors, Marx and Engel support, as they account for development in Europe (Tucker 173).

However, this development and human consciousness lead to a perception of self-interest that is

engendered towards further personal growth. Evidently, the concept of changing cultures has

resulted in changing from communal resources that are tribal-owned to private property. Further

advancement leads to exploitation of fellow humans in order to gain more wealth, a concept that

leads to a capitalistic division of labor.

As the workers come to realize that they are being oppressed and exploited. Labor

organizations are formed with a motive of protesting the oppressive nature of their employers

and demanding for improved working conditions and returns. This conflict between the

employers and the employed have been iterated by Marx and Engel as they contend that no

matter how much the employers make working commensurate to the worker's consistent

antagonism continues to exist across the two groups (Tucker 211).

The end resort for the workers is to develop a network of communication that the workers

can use to inform each other and ensure that the working class members are not exploited.

Evidently, this brings about class identification and development; as people in one class become

united to increase their influence against their enemy. The networking can be likened to the

current political parties, as described by Tocqueville (280). Great organizations must be

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committed to their primary goals, which is mostly to improve the welfare of its members and not

well-being of a single group. However, competition and rivalry see parties indulge in morally

unacceptable activities as they try to meet their objectives.

In America, the two groups of societies agreed on the principle aim of improving the

welfare of the people. Instead of developing chaos, as found in other countries, the policy of

popular consent is used. This makes up democracy, as exemplified by America, with suppressed

aristocratic agendas within the parties and uses universal suffrage to execute the desires of the

people and solve the conflict between the contending political subjects (286, 313).

Tocqueville expresses the importance of communication and informing people as a key

determinant of the prosperity of a country. The freedom of the press is a critical factor that

determines the extent of information that the citizens of a country can experience. While Marx

and Engel acknowledged the role of the labor groups as information avenues that were meant to

caution exploited workers, the press sheds light to the citizens on institutions that are oppressing

and not abiding by the institutionalized labor, and general welfare laws (Tocqueville 289).

The created labor organizations develop political impact to the society as their influence

increases. These organizations create a political environment that can be termed as a

superstructure. They can make the laws, states and general human behaviors (Tucker 629). While

the labor organizations are made up of the majority of citizens, their influence easily translates to

political powers. Evidently, even though not directly, the people rule the country, using their

chosen representatives. This has been the case in America, as Tocqueville explores the power of

the majority (279)

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The concept of labor value has created trickery, as people wrongly contend that the

industrial owners pay the workers less than the labor value, while they charge the product at a

value that is exaggerated. However, Marx and Engel argue that the value of a product must be

above the labor cost for the capitalist must gain some profit (Tucker 681). This conflict develops

interference of economic systems using the demand-supply forces.

Mostly, extracting the surplus from the workers pertains a form of exploitation, which

has been going on for years. This phenomenon is referred by Marx and Engel as balancing the

forces of production with the relations of production (717). However, proletarian reforms is a

control measure that extracts the surplus from the public and places the resources under public

power. Relatively, the concept of slavery was replaced by freeing the slaves with free workers

who could be paid for their voluntary contribution to their work. The conflict of freedom and

increased utility of labor force saw the slaves freed and Christianity and morality (Tocqueville

559).

As industrialization brings in development, those people who can afford to buy resources

are the people who get the development resources. As rural resources are moved and used

extensively in the urban centers, areas that are of high economic value quickly turn into towns, as

many people are attracted to the place, as they can generate wealth from the region. This causes

villages that have erected industries quickly turn to urban centers. The cities in America bring

people together to create a neighborhood that can unite to resist a common enemy. This shows

that Americans are social individuals that will readily come together to fight any problem that

comes their way. This unity for a common societal goal, as expressed by Tocqueville (303) has

been inferred by Marx and Engel as they revealed the development of social organizations that

are built by ordinary people as they fight a common enemy.

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CONCLUSION

From the afore-explored concepts of social conflicts, it is clear that people are exceptionally

committed towards selfish gains that ought to be regulated through an advanced system that

gives a checks and balances. Just as the government officials are checked through recall and

being voted out of office, societies develop such controls measures and avoid the inherent

capacity to outdo and exploit the weaker groups. When societies have a system of controls,

harmony can be established while arising conflicts are attended to by societal adjustments to

form new norms that are commensurate to the different groups.

Works Cited

Tocqueville, Alexis de. "Democracy in America: Historical-Critical Edition of De la démocratie

en Amérique, vol." II,(translated into English by James T. Schleifer, ed. Eduardo

Nolla (2010).

Tucker, Robert C., ed. "The Marx-Engels Reader." (1978).

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Marxs Social Conflicts Theory of Change

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