Subliminal Racism International Relation

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 1

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION

Name:

Course:

Tutor:

Date:

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 2

Abstract

The following paper critically argues that the whole concept of international relations has failed to

address the very same social injustices, i.e., racism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, and oppression,

that it was initially supposed to address in the first place. The paper further examines the extent to

which some of these primary paradigms of world politics have been oriented by white

supremacists’ precepts which have offered a foundation for anarchy. The paper maintains that

because of the centrality of anarchy and other racially instilled constructs, the white supremacists’

perceptions have had a persistent effect on international relations theory as well as some of the

contemporary issues that have had an impact on the global system such as neoliberal capitalism.

Hence, the paper contends that international relations is a parochial discipline whose aspects ought

not to be universalized as it fails to address some of the economic and political issues that are of

great concern in most countries.

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 3

Introduction

Even though the whole point of international relations was centrally concerned with how

different races can relate without one of the races viewing itself as superior, the vast majority of

international relations scholars have continuously held racist view thereby obscuring the main

objective of the discipline. Racism can be defined as the belief in the domination of policies and

practices that are based entirely on the erroneous concept of race. Racism is not simply biases or

bigotry, but rather policies and beliefs that are anchored and endorsed by states’ institutions. The

vast majority of international relation scholars acknowledge that international relations ought to

be implemented across the confinement of Western boundaries as a fundamental approach in the

analysis of the current state of global affairs or rather world politics. Hence, the following paper

argues that international relations is a western or rather white totalitarian discourse whose main

aim is to subdue the question of racism. Instead of addressing progressivism, the discipline of

international relations appears to endorse totalitarianism which has been marked by violence and

oppression. The criticism of totalitarianism is aimed to explain why the discipline of international

relations contributes to social injustice that has stemmed from racism and colonialism witnessed

during the 20

century.

Eurocentrism is widely considered as one of the main actors in the global politics meaning it

is a crucial element for any political or cultural order. Essentially, the West, i.e., the United States

and European powers, is a powerful actor and initiator of processes that have shaped the modern

world of politics with processes such as capitalism, democracy, and imperialism all of which are

central in international relations. For the following analysis, the perceived influence of the West

or rather Eurocentrism in international relations will be categorized into three main themes:

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 4

Eurocentrism as an intellectual model for international relations, Eurocentrism as an institutional

model for institutional relations, and Eurocentrism as an actor of international relations.

Research Objective

The primary objective of the research is to delineate the criticality of racism in the discipline of

international relations. The research examines the extent to which prominent paradigms of

international relations are focused on white supremacist precept.

Body Analysis

Historical Oppression and Amnesia

In his thesis, Orientalism, Edward Said affirms that Western scholars are largely to be

blamed for the hegemonic culture that shapes the global politics. According to him, most of the

Western international relations scholars have portrayed the East as being inferior and exotic

through the use of stereotypes. By doing so, Said believes that the West has ‘orientalized’ the

Orient. As an academic discipline, Orientalism has been manipulated by the Western way of

thinking subsequently making it a European experience. By doing so Said believes that the whole

concept of orientalism revolves around dominating as the West has portrayed its culture and

society as being the most rational, humane, normal, superior, and developed. The East, on the other

end, is presented as being backward, depraved, inferior, and aberrant. The ‘orientalization' of the

orient fails to give the realistic depiction of non-Western others but rather constructs them using

Western preoccupations.

In his publication Race, Amnesia, and the Education of International Relations, Krishna

also illustrates the exemplary abstraction acts that play a central role in the self-construction of the

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 5

discipline of International Relations. He depicts the 19

century Europe as a peaceful zone due to

the diplomatic virtuosity of the particular era. Using readings of this particular century, Krishna

further demonstrates the possibilities of international relations discourse (Krishna,2001, p.407).

Krishna further argues that the international relations strategies of containment have played a

crucial role in making the discipline of IR political unconscious.

Essentially, Said and Krishna try to illustrate the manner in which International Relations

scholars have manipulated our thinking to make us believe that anything Western is ‘good’ while

anything non-Western is ‘bad’. Hence, this has also been transferred to some of the international

relations policies and decisions that are being formulated which continues to undermine the

sovereignty of non-Western states. For instance, though the United States is a member of the

International Criminal Court, none of its citizens can be charged by the court. This has caused

most of the African and Eastern Europe to want to pull out from the court terming it as a tool of

oppression of non-Western countries. The Eurocentric thought that is deeply embedded in the

discipline of international relations cannot go unnoticed.

Additionally, the majority of publications and discussions revolving around international

relations have failed to highlight and recognize third world perspectives. The failure of the

discipline to address any non-western issue can entirely be blamed on some of its theories that

seem to apply Eurocentric beliefs which are mainly characterized by Western values and thinking

an approach which most critiques term as insubordination of non-western states (Said, 2001,

p.124). Essentially, this claim that the whole concept of international relations emanated from the

West as a tool whose central objective was guiding policy makers in conflict aversion and the

maintenance of peace. However, the discipline has neglected the different non-Western cultural

and historical aspects, which are fundamental analytical tools in conflict resolution and peace

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 6

fostering. Furthermore, it is worth noting that the analytical analysis of war, as well as power

balance, has become one of the integral components of international relations. This has, in turn,

limited the social scope of the discipline to conflict prediction and aversion without taking into

account the historical context thereby profoundly impacting on the credibility of international

relations.

The Governmentality (Michel Foucault)

French Philosopher Michel Foucault brings a new dimension into the international relations

debate with his concept of Governmentality. Foucault defines governmentality as the organized

rationalities, practices, and mentalities with which subjects are governed. He suggests that the

whole function of knowledge entails the classification, regulation, and the normalization of making

different aspects manageable. Essentially, Foucault claims that knowledge is responsible for the

production of specific effects, identities, and challenges. For instance, he demonstrates this using

his investigation of medical and psychiatric discourses whereby he tries to show deviance and

sickness are not purely detached conditions as they come about through purposive exclusions in

the specified institutional setting (Foucault,1993,p.95). When applied to international relations,

Foucault claims basically means that the sovereignty of any state as well as anarchy are concepts

that authenticate specific objectives world politics at the expense of others.

Epistemic Injustice/oppression (Miranda Fricker)

The mainstream international relations has failed to recognize the knowledge

formation that takes place between the Northern and Southern relations thereby elucidating the

lack of social construction of realism. This is evident by the reluctance of the discipline in

emphasizing the likelihood of emancipation of people thereby showing how the whole concept of

international relations has intrinsically been subjected to power constrains Fricker (1999) affirms

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 7

that the interest of the elites has modeled the world, which can, however, be amended through

emancipatory movements (p.212). However, most of the international relations theories have

failed to highlight on the struggle of independence that happened in the 1960s in most of the

colonial territories as well as the political and social revolutions that occurred in post-communist

nations.

Additionally, though IR theorists have always strived to emphasize the relationship

between knowledge and power and the subsequent implementation of hegemony, it is crucial to

note that their views have been anchored on Eurocentrism. For instance, most of the international

relations theories seemingly justify colonialization of African and Asian states alluding that it was

necessary for them to achieve civilization. Another instance that illustrates that international

relations only benefits the whites can be illustrated in Fukuyama publication entitled End of

History in which he asserts that the inception of free-market economics and democracy has created

a constant clash between the West and the rest. Essentially, Fukuyama acknowledges that the

political and economic policies formulated by Western powers are only beneficial to them at the

expense of the rest of the world (Henderson, 2013, p.87). Furthermore, he also asserts that the

West has failed to take into account the global politics as well as the culture when coming up with

such policies thereby threatening global stability evident by growing Muslim discontent against

the West. Fukuyama's thesis has effectively blended the influence of European philosophy along

with a boisterous Post-Cold-War era to offer a unique contribution to the role of Eurocentrism in

global politics. In his thesis, Fukuyama appears to retain the belief that the West appeared to have

triumphed over its ideological rivals. Fukuyama's conception is shaped by his focus on the United

States, which he considers as the main model of the West. According to him, the West cannot be

classified among the other civilizations, but rather should be considered as the catalyzing agent of

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 8

the civilization process. Essentially, Fukuyama seems to acknowledge that the West plays a pivotal

role in creating a world order.

It is also worth noting that the majority of international relation scholars have always come

from the core nations. Scholars from third world nations have continuously been excluded mainly

because the debates and research are usually undertaken in academic associations. Furthermore,

Abbott (2012) affirms that financial scarcity in most of the academic institutions in the South has

impeded scholar’s non-western nations from participating in meaningful discussions with their

western counterparts. Hence, this has had an overall impact on the discipline of international

relations as mostly it is the whites that come up with proposals which are later implemented as

policies governing international relations (p.311). For instance, a scholar who is exposed to

poverty and war on a daily basis is bound to reflect differently in contrast to the one who lives in

a peaceful society. Hence, the former is more likely to prioritize the issues in his or her research

than the latter. Furthermore, the financial capability of the latter as well as the autonomy presented

by the tenure can play a crucial role in separating them from the reality of critical problems that

impact the world. Subsequently, this may cause them to neglect divergent perspective that does

not align with their worldviews, hence, the continued marginalization of non-westerners from

international relations.

Most of the Western international relations policy makers are basing their policies

exclusively against a cultural backdrop. The general assumptions are that world politics entirely

take place in the Northern hemisphere, and as such, the history of the region is regarded as the

most relevant and vital. For instance, the Holocaust holds a major position in the historiography

of the West while the colonial atrocities are overlooked and considered as normal European history

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 9

(Jarvis, 2000, p.67). This is further correlated with the popular intellectual notion that the Western

powers, particularly the United States and the United Kingdom signify good. For instance, most

political pundits suggest that World War II was the battle of freedom against tyranny whereby

freedom carried the day. However, this notion ignores the fact that Atlantic Charter's clause on

self-determination was later ignored by most of the European nations during the struggle for

independence by most of the territorial colonies (Odoom and Andrews, 2017, p.145). There are

other numerous illustrations of double standards views that are symptomatic of the West. This

claim is further implicit in the writing of founding cosmopolitan thinkers who are credited for

offering useful insights into modern thinking. In spite of the Haitian struggle against slavery, Kant

failed to include the slaves’ aspiration for freedom from the four key treaties that focused on

humanity love. Locke, on the other end, justified the seizing of the lands of Indians by British

colonialist (Holberg, 2017, p.70). Hence, the moral outlines that were left by these thinkers had

serious impacts on the social institutions which they inspired.

In his publication entitled ‘Race, Amnesia, and the Education of International Relations’

Krishna (2001) also argues that the field of International relations is founded on systematic politics

of selective amnesia when it comes to the question of race and racism. The author argues instead

of political realism taking the center stage in political relations; the west manipulated the whole

concept of political realism during their scramble and partitioning of Africa and Asia during the

late 19

and early 20

century. Political realism can be defined as the political philosophy theory

which models political relations. It assumes that power should be the ultimate political action be

it on a domestic or international frontier (Inayatullah and Blaney, 2004, p.123). While the main

essence of political realism is the reduction of the political-ethical belief that might is appropriate,

the west advanced the belief that it was appropriate for them to advance their interest at the expense

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 10

of third world countries in Asia and Africa (Baylis and Rengger,1992, p.234). Krishna further

alludes that the division between the Western nations and non-western nations primarily serves to

falsely normalize other cultures and religion which conceals the sophisticated nature of political

realism thereby preventing nuanced phenomenal analyses in non-western nations.

White supremacy and dominance is also explicitly evident in the liberal customs of

international relations. Liberalism, in this case, is guided by ethical practices and principles

thereby making it a normative agenda for peace promotion for mutual benefits through

international bodies such as the United Nations and the World Bank (Butcher and Griffiths, 2015,

p.732). However, because these institutions are largely dominated by Western nations, it can be

argued that the main aim of liberalism is to rationalize western dictatorship through the

institutionalization and universalization of Western laws and beliefs. Furthermore, these

institutions have on numerous occasions been accused of furthering the interest of the Western

powers at the expense of non-Western nations. For instance, liberals have always claimed that the

League of Nations spurs corporate growth subsequently bringing about prosperity. However, this

particular logic does not consider the fact that prosperity is only realized by Western nations

leaving the other non-Western countries to become economically dependent on the Western

hegemonic order (Vadrot, 2017, p.34).

One of the most vital components of knowledge normalization is observable through the

power of identity, particularly for those that have been dominated by European values. For

instance, those that were initially colonialized, their identity became elusive and difficult to point

out particularly if the individual’s culture had been suppressed (Agger, 1991, p.43). The fact that

knowledge attainment is not a coincidental thing when basing it in the colonial setting, it can,

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 11

however, become exploited by Eurocentric narratives which buttress the colonial myth. This can

further be illustrated by the intentional suppression of oriental dichotomy as one of the European

colonial strategies (Lo Castro, 2011, p.78). The end-result of knowledge normalization was that

the geopolitics of postcolonial period was a marked failure of states to be able to self-govern

themselves due to the lack of identity as well as experience. Hence, the current problems of identity

colonialization continue to impede the de-colonization process.

The culmination of World War II signified the end of European colonization as it became

unviable to uphold the imperial presence in most of the African and Asian states. The other

damaging impact of international relations can be observed when colonial powers left hurriedly

leaving behind unstable and unprepared locals in most of the colonies. Although this hastened

decolonization arrangement can be blamed on the rise of insurgencies that targeted the European

settlers and administrators primarily because of the years of suppressions they had subjected the

natives, it is worth noting that new form of colonialization took root which emphasized on

Eurocentric terms. These terms were further epitomized by institutions such as the World Bank

and the IMF. Bartolovich and Lazarus (2002) affirm that sovereignty was a conception of

Eurocentrism which would later be institutionalized in the United Nations thereby becoming a

global norm. Notably, the institutionalized sovereignty was of little concern to the native’s

majority of whom had been previously demoted from positions of authority (76). Thus, the

restoration of the autonomous rule to the native custodians was undertaken without taking into

account assistance from the locals as well as minimal resources from the colonial masters and the

international community at large. In fact, instead of the decolonization being an embarrassment to

the European colonial powers, it was converted into a Eurocentric narrative with the theme of

bestowing sovereignty. As a key element in international relations theory, sovereignty validates

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 12

that international relations is indeed Eurocentric and will continue to remain like that even when

ex-colonies in Africa and Asia grapple with unrealistic expectations of autonomous rule and

sovereignty.

Marxism also penetrated into the field of international relations using three main theoretical

contributions: the global system theory, the dependence studies literature, as well as the Gramscian

insertion. Although Marxism had a profound influence on the thinking of most of the postcolonial

scholars, it is argued that Karl Marx played a critical role in justifying Eurocentrism by

highlighting some of the potential progressive impacts of western imperialism. Karl Marx

justification of Eurocentrism is explicitly captured in some of his publications regarding the role

of British imperialism in Asia, particularly India (Bartolovich and Lazarus, 2002, p.24). In one of

the publication, Marx argues that England was motivated by abhorrent interests but failed

miserably in the manner in which they enforced them. Hence, most postcolonial scholars

acknowledge that the foundationalist assumption of Marxism seemingly contributed to

Eurocentrism that is currently being witnessed today and as such, ought to be rejected to form a

genuine non-Eurocentric international relations ideology.

Apart from Marxism, feminism also entered into the discipline of international relations as

one of the main debates that pitched post-positivist theorists and mainstream theorists. Feminist

theories are exclusively founded on sexuality, inequality, and gender politics. In international

relations, the concept of feminism has been divided into five distinctive standpoints: Marxist

standpoint, liberalist standpoint, post-colonialist standpoint, and post-modernist standpoint. The

vast majority of feminism theories have mainly focused on the analysis of gender inequality and

rights and interest promotion of women (Hutchings, 2007, p.234). Feminists allude that the

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 13

conventional international relations thinking has stopped perceiving men and women based on

their gender roles and identities such as women should only be confined to the domestic life.

Hence, by examining the lives of women, the knowledge of international politics has been

improved as it applies to both male and females.

Even though feminism remains the only critical aspect of the international theory that is

characterized with a counter-hegemonic mission, the relevance of feminism to non-Western

women remains questionable. The vast majority of feminists taking part in international activism

have justified. Western women intervention in non-Western women lives thereby echoing the

ideology Western imperialism and colonialism (Ampofo, Beoku, Njambi, and Osirim, 2004,

p.122). Thus, according to most of the postcolonial feminists, this form of ethical universalism

tries to model women in the Western form, and as such, it is not sensitive to the various social

contexts. Nevertheless, this is slowly being amended as most of the postcolonial feminists are

trying to fight gender oppression while applying their own relevant cultural, societal models rather

than the model templates designed by the West.

Critical theory has also had a profound influence on political science. Initially developed

by Max Horkheimer and colleagues, the main aim of critical theory was to be able to bridge the

political and social divide through analysis and justification. Hence, critical theory is mainly

concerned about the critical stance towards itself through the recognition of social reality which

offers criticism and justification grounds on some of the practices, institutions that construct

reality. The critical perspective analyses how different facts are made up and the interest of the

parties they serve. However, critical theory has failed to address the hegemonic power that

characterizes the global politics as well as the issue of Third World. This is evident by the failure

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 14

of critical theory debate in acknowledging the notion of post-colonialism. Postcolonialism

theorists, unlike critical theorists, have continuously aspired to create logic that are based on

different forms of knowledge which advocate for peace and justice (Anderson, 2017, p.224).

Hence, postcolonial theorists contest the perception that the thinking, morals, and laws of the

western rationalists are more superior than those of non-westerners. This means that postcolonialist

theorists propose for the adoption of alternative conceptions which advocate for alternative

conceptions, morals, and laws which critique the hegemony of Eurocentrism. Hence, critical

theorists ought to overcome their Eurocentric nature and adapt an approach that is more

integrating.

Towards Decolonization

As mentioned-above, the attempts by Western powers to remodel international relations

to align with their own intellectual and political models severely impedes freedom for non-western

nations. The end result is that international relations and politics of most of these non-Western

nations have remained theoretical and caused outcomes which cannot be addressed by the debates

and theories (McKinnon, 2016, p.56). The notion that the underdogs play a crucial role in shaping

the global politics is now harder to refute. Hence, it becomes questionable for international

relations scholars who have Eurocentric roots to offer guidelines for non-westerners to

comprehend the modern political system outside of the West. While a theory ought to make the

world more intelligent, international relations theories have failed to offer any meaningful impact

in non-Western nations. The exclusion of non-western nations from international relations theories

formulation is not only improper but also nullifies the theory.

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 15

The institutionalization of eurocentrism has also played a contributory role of racism in

international relations. The vast majority of these institutions are controlled by Western nations,

and as such, it is common for them to come up with policies that do not favor those Non-Western

nations (Dotson, 2012, p.34). For instance, the World Bank can sanction member states from

accessing financial aid if these member states do not abide by the needs of the West. Hence, this

is a new form of oppression that is taking shape. The same institutions that were setup to protect

against exploitation are now being used as the tools of exploitation. This clearly shows that racism

is still alive in international relations. The failure by the colonial masters to recognize the atrocities

that were committed during the colonial era also indicates that the West still has the power to

manipulate the colonial narratives (Dotson, 2014, p.119). This means that the West still controls

some of the vital institutions that were supposed to bring justice to some of the communities that

were affected by the scramble and portioning of Africa and Asia. However, because these

institutions are in the pockets of these Western countries justice becomes almost impossible to

achieve. This goes against the very principles of international relations.

Conclusion

Although the main objective of international relations was concerned with how different

races can relate without one of the races viewing itself as superior, the vast majority of international

relations scholars have continuously held racist view thereby obscuring the main objective of the

discipline. Eurocentrism is widely perceived as one of the major actors in the global politics

meaning it is a crucial element for any political or cultural order. Essentially, the West, i.e., the

United States and European powers, is the main actor and architect of processes that have molded

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 16

the modern world of politics with processes such as capitalism, democracy, and imperialism all of

which are central in international relations.

White supremacy and dominance is also explicitly evident in the liberal customs of

international relations. Liberalism, in this case, is guided by ethical practices and principles

thereby making it a normative agenda for peace promotion for mutual benefits through

international bodies such as the United Nations and the World Bank. However, because these

institutions are largely dominated by Western nations, it can be argued that the main aim of

liberalism is to rationalize western dictatorship through the institutionalization and

universalization of Western laws and beliefs. Furthermore, these institutions have on numerous

occasions been accused of furthering the interest of the Western powers at the expense of non-

Western nations. For instance, liberals have always claimed that the League of Nations spurs

corporate growth subsequently bringing about prosperity. However, this particular logic does not

consider the fact that prosperity is only realized by Western nations leaving the other non-Western

countries to become economically dependent on the Western hegemonic order.

Ultimately, one of the most crucial modules of knowledge normalization can be seen

through the power of identity, especially for those that have been brought up under strict European

values. For example, for those that were initially colonialized, their identity became indefinable

and problematic to point out predominantly if the person’s culture had been repressed. The fact

that knowledge attainment is not an accidental thing when basing it in the colonial setting, it can,

however, become exploited by Eurocentric narratives which promote the colonial myth. This can

further be illustrated by the intentional suppression of oriental dichotomy as one of the European

colonial strategies. The end-result of knowledge normalization was that the geopolitics of

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 17

postcolonial period was a marked failure of states to be able to self-govern themselves due to the

lack of identity as well as experience. Hence, the current problems of identity colonialization

continue to impede the de-colonization process.

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 18

References

Abbott, J. (2012). Critical Perspective on International Political Economy. Owen Worth:

Palgrave Macmillan.

Agger, B. (1991). “Critical Theory, Poststructuralism, Postmodernism: Their Sociological

Relevance. Annual Rev. Sociol. 17:105-131.

Acharya, A., 2014. Global International Relations (IR) and Regional WorldsA New Agenda for

International Studies. International Studies Quarterly, 58(4), pp.647-659.

Ampofo A, Beoku-Betts J, Njambi W, and Osirim, M.(2004). “Women’s and Gender Studies in

English-speaking Sub-Saharan Africa: A Review of Research in Social Sciences”, Gender and

Society, 18( 6 ): 685-714.

Anderson, D.E., 2017. Conceptual competence injustice. Social Epistemology, 31(2), pp.210-223.

Bartolovich, C. and Lazarus, N. (2002). Marxism, Modernity, and Postcolonial Studies. Cambridge

: Cambridge University Press.

Baylis, J and Rengger, N (1992). Dilemmas of World Politics: International Issues in a Changing

World. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Baylis, J. and Smith, S. (2006). The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to

International Relations, 3 rd. Edition. New York: Oxford University Press

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 19

Butcher, C. and Griffiths, R., 2015. Alternative international systems? System structure and violent

conflict in nineteenth-century West Africa, Southeast Asia, and South Asia. Review of

international studies, 41(4), pp.715-737.

Dotson, K., 2012. A cautionary tale: On limiting epistemic oppression. Frontiers: A Journal of

Women Studies, 33(1), pp.24-47.

Dotson, K., 2014. Conceptualizing epistemic oppression. Social Epistemology, 28(2), pp.115-138.

Fricker, M., 1999. Epistemic oppression and epistemic privilege. Canadian Journal of

Philosophy, 29(sup1), pp.191-210.

Foucault, M., 1991. The Foucault effect: Studies in governmentality. University of Chicago Press.

Henderson, E.A., 2013. Hidden in plain sight: racism in international relations theory. Cambridge

Review of International Affairs, 26(1), pp.71-92.

Henderson, E.A., 2015. African Realism? International Relations Theory and Africa's Wars in the

Postcolonial Era. Roman & Littlefield.

Holberg, E.A., 2017. Kant, Oppression, and the Possibility of Nonculpable Failures to Respect

Oneself. The Southern Journal of Philosophy, 55(3), pp.285-305.

Hutchings K (2007). “Happy Anniversary! Time and Critiques in International Relations Theory”

Review of International Studies, 33:71-89.

Inayatullah, N. and Blaney, D (2004). International Relations and the Problem of Difference. New

York: Routledge.

Jarvis D (2000). International Relations and the Challenge of Postmodernism.

SUBLIMINAL RACISM INTERNATIONAL RELATION 20

Lo Castro, F., 2011. Does International Relations theory privilege Western ways of thinking and

acting? E-International Relations Students.

McKinnon, R., 2016. Epistemic injustice. Philosophy Compass, 11(8), pp.437-446.

Odoom, I. and Andrews, N., 2017. What/who is still missing in International Relations scholarship?

Situating Africa as an agent in IR theorizing. Third World Quarterly, 38(1), pp.42-60.

Said, E. W.,2001. Historical oppression and amnesia.

Vardot, A. B. M., 2014. The politics of knowledge and global biodiversity.

Vadrot, A.B., 2017. Knowledge, International Relations and the structure–agency debate: towards

the concept of “epistemic selectivities”. Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science

Research, 30(1), pp.61-72.

Place new order. It's free, fast and safe

Paper type

Deadline

Page count

550 words

Total price: $ 15.00

Our customers say

Jeff Curtis

USA, Student

"I'm fully satisfied with the essay I've just received. When I read it, I felt like it was exactly what I wanted to say, but couldn’t find the necessary words. Thank you!"

Ian McGregor

UK, Student

"I don’t know what I would do without your assistance! With your help, I met my deadline just in time and the work was very professional. I will be back in several days with another assignment!"

Shannon Williams

Canada, Student

"It was the perfect experience! I enjoyed working with my writer, he delivered my work on time and followed all the guidelines about the referencing and contents."

Subliminal racism international relation

Place new order. It's free, fast and safe

Our customers say

Jeff Curtis

Ian McGregor

Shannon Williams